Bulletin Autumn‧Winter 1992

public officials, he raised the quality of government service. By separating the Communist Party structure from daily administration, he increased the leeway given to competent specialist managers. The Communist Party does remain in power, but where it once promoted Maoist revolution, it now promotes economic modernization . By moving rapidly to adjust to a new role, the party has provided an administrative structure that makes reform and economic progress effective. But these successe have been achieved at a considerable cost. To encourage officials to support reform in acountry that cannot yet afford to pay them comfortable wages, leaders have tolerated their officials' quest for personal gain at a level that amounts to widespread corruption of public office. In their eagerness to hasten economic progress, officials in Beijing and in the provinces have permitted a narrow pursuit of material gain that weakens the social bonds between individuals and the sense of responsibility o family and community, values fundamental to the Confucian tradition. Anxious to maintain order in a country that has been devastated by inner turmoil for over a century, Chinese leaders have killed and jailed fellow Chinese whom they perceived as threats. They have valued political stability over concern for the dignity of the individual and respect for basic human rights. Many of us, both in and out of China, find these actions morally repugnant . We are repelled by this inhumane behaviour and filled with sympathy for its victims. But some Westerners, unfortunately, have tried to expres their moral indignation by urging sanctions that serve to isolate al Chinese, including those trying so hard to reach out to the outside world and those trying to elevate human rights and extend democracy. In my view, those who want to isolate China have not adequately studied the history of the last 40 years. It is when China has been most closed to the outside world that its people have suffered the greatest oppression. Nor have these observers adequately considered the mo r a l i ty o f abandoning those in China who have risked their careers and sometimes their lives to maintain an open country. As China grows economically, not only are leaders in Beijing granting more freedom to their own people, but they are planning for China to play a larger role in world affairs. But the legacy of thre decades of aclosed society makes it difficult for Beijing's leaders to understand the subtle issues of the modern-day world. Despite their proclamations over the years that China would never behave like a superpower , Chinese leaders are beginning to purchase military equipment from Russia, to increase the military budget, and to expand atomic weapons testing. To meet their nation's increased demand for energy, they are prospecting for oil in the Spratleys, in internationall y disputed territory. These actions, by leaders with aview of international affairs that dates back to Wo r ld War II, w i l make it difficult for China to gain the good w i l of other countries in Asia as well as in the West. Only continued contact between China and other countries can lay the basis of mutual trust and sense of security needed to resolve difficult issues peacefully. I know that many of you in Hong Kong would like more assurance that after 1997 China w i l maintain the respect f o r the rights o f the i n d i v i d u al and the accountability of the government to the people that you have come to value. I wish that we had the wisdom to know at what pace and in what way this can best be achieved. But i f we look at the examples of societies that have consolidated their economic progress, both in the West and now in Japan, Taiwan, and South Korea, we can se that time is on our side. The experience of Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan is very encouraging. As these countries have reached a certain level of material progress, a large middle clas has emerged that has achieved a high level of education and that enjoys substantial economic benefits. Educated people in these societies and in a growing number of places in China share with many of us in the West a common commitment to respect for the truth, a belief in the dignity of the individual , support for open and fre economies, and a conviction that a government bears a responsibility to its people. We scholars can be proud that universities everywher in the world have nourished these values. To be sure, there are Western and East A s i an versions o f capitalism, human rights, and democracy. We cannot expect these differences to disappear. Each of us can work, however, to increase mutual understanding and to erect a common value system that leaves room for mutual respect of differences. This combinatio n of shared values andrespect for different values is the proper basi for the relationship between Asia and the West in our new era. I hope that all of you who are graduating, as the Chinese New Year's saying goes, will 'fa cai'. But I hope that some of you wil also take on an additional task. Use your knowledge of broad historical trends, science, economics, society, literature, and politics, to help realize in your community and in your nation ideals that go beyond short-term material success and political stability. In this effort I am confident that you wil have acces not only to the economy and technology of the West but to the hearts and minds of people everywher who share with you a common intellectual and moral commitment . Rudyard Kiplin g said, 'East is East and West is West, and never the twain shall meet.' But now we have a basis for believing that the twain shall meet. • 44TH CONGREGATION 11